الخميس، 28 مايو 2020

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chegg

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n a systematic random sample of size n
drawn from a population of size N, how many random numbers need to be generated to identify those subjects who are included in the sample?
n
N/n
N-n
1
n-1

Expert Answer

  • Kamlesh Rathore's Avatar
    while selecting a systematic sample of size "n" from a population of size we select only first object radnomly while other objects we will select in a specefic pattern
    so first we calculate k=\frac{N}{n} then we select first number "i" randomly with i<k and then we select every kth number from that so we need to select only first number randomly hence correct option is
    1
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This problem has been solved!

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In a systematic random sample of size n
drawn from a population of size N, how many random numbers need to be generated to identify those subjects who are included in the sample?
n
N/n
N-n
1
n-1
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Using the responses in column U, create a frequency table and answer are following. For the coding, use the following; No response = 0 Only a little = 1 Some how = 2 Quite a lot = 3 Exceedingly = 4 Create a frequency Table for the data using the format below Find the sample mean x Find the sample standard deviation, s Construct a histogram of the data (obtain more materials to do this) Complete the columns in 'a' above Find the first quartile Find the median Find the third quartile What percent of the responders answered lower than "some how" to the question Find the 25th percentile Find the 90th percentile
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الأربعاء، 14 يونيو 2017

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Now the real test

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Now the real test



Palestinian reconciliation. Will Abbas follow through? Saleh Al-Naami investigates

Hassan could not believe he was reunited with his family. Five years of exile ended this week when he returned to his family home in Gaza City after a boost in relations between Fatah and Hamas. Hassan returned to his family as one of 20 Fatah members who were allowed to come back to the Gaza Strip on orders of the Gaza government headed by Ismail Haniyeh. These Fatah activists had fled to Egypt after military clashes erupted between Hamas and Fatah in the summer of 2007, which concluded with Hamas taking control of the Gaza Strip. Hundreds of Fatah elements quickly escaped after participating in attacks against Hamas members.

Bringing Hassan home was one of several steps by the Gaza government in a show of goodwill towards Fatah, reflecting closer ties between the two groups after what Palestinians viewed as a “victory” over Israel in recent confrontations, and “Palestine” being granted full state “observer status” at the UN General Assembly. The Gaza government decided to release all Fatah members who were arrested during the years of division, and rescinded many travel bans against Fatah leaders.

In return, Fatah delegations from the West Bank poured into the Gaza Strip to express their solidarity with Gaza. There are many signs of closer ties between the two sides in the West Bank on the organisational and population levels; together, the two groups sponsored an event celebrating the “Gaza victory” and there are other forms of coordination between them.

The Palestinian masses in the West Bank sent a clear and strong message to President Mahmoud Abbas that reconciliation must be reached as soon as possible. At the Palestinian Authority event welcoming Abbas home from the UN, crowds chanted and interrupted Abbas’s speech. They demanded reconciliation because it is “key to strengthening Palestinian resilience”. Abbas promised to reach reconciliation, and his words were well received by Hamas leaders.

Salah Al-Bardaweel, a leading Hamas figure, described Abbas’s political rhetoric as “realistic and not provocative”, adding that he no longer places any preconditions on reaching Palestinian reconciliation and ending division. Al-Bardaweel suggested holding an urgent meeting for all Palestinian forces to close ranks and rebuild the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) based on partnership.

There are many indicators that Gaza’s steadfastness in standing up to Israel’s military onslaught and the Palestinian president’s victory at the UN contributed to creating a conducive atmosphere for national reconciliation. Sources told Al-Ahram Weekly that Cairo will soon host Palestinian factions to discuss applying already signed reconciliation agreements. Informed sources said that Hamas politburo chief Khaled Meshaal might meet with Abbas in Cairo based on an initiative by Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi. There is also a possibility of holding a meeting for all secretary generals of Palestinian factions, headed by Abbas, in Cairo.

Abbas secured the support of key Hamas leaders on the eve of his departure to the UN. Meshaal called him to express support for the move, and Haniyeh supported the step as well. Both Hamas leaders, however, reminded Abbas that genuine reconciliation would only be achieved through agreement on a new political agenda, unlike the one Abbas advocates that leaves no room for resistance.

Haniyeh also reminded Abbas that Palestine becoming a “non-member state with observer status” at the UN “crowns the victory by the resistance in the Gaza Strip based on the principle of no compromise or waiver.” “We welcome developments at the UN, but we are still committed to our unyielding strategy for the liberation of Palestine — all of Palestine from the river to the sea, from East to West,” declared Haniyeh.

Meshaal echoed the same: “We must view recognition of Palestine as a non-member with observer status as one strategy to accomplish the liberation project.” He added that the outcome of the war on Gaza encourages reaching reconciliation because Hamas is in a position of power. Meshaal also highlighted the importance of the UN move because “it unites nationalist Palestinian efforts as part of the reconciliation process”.

He added that he pressed on Abbas that this should be “part of a national strategy that includes resistance, which excelled in Gaza and sent a message that the Palestinian people can resist and stand up to occupation.” Meshaal added: “When we unite, reconcile, end divisions and have a single reference and political struggle, we will be much stronger and capable of achieving more. Our ability to resist Israeli aggression would be greater.”

Meshaal could use his trip to Gaza this week, to give a speech at a celebration marking Hamas’s 25th anniversary, to confirm his group’s commitment to pursuing national reconciliation based on resistance. This implies that any breakthrough on the reconciliation issue will depend on a clear revision in Abbas’s position regarding resistance. This is the sentiment of average Palestinians who want the president to modify his political outlook.

Abbas used to describe resistance rockets as a farce and attacked the resistance at every chance,” said Osama Salman, a teacher who lives in Al-Maghazi Refugee Camp in the centre of the Gaza Strip. “The time has come for him to change his position after the resistance and their rockets proved potent in confronting Israel.”

Ashraf Al-Agrami, former member of Salam Fayyad’s cabinet who is close to Abbas, believes that closing national ranks is vital and necessary for Hamas and the Gaza Strip, because unity would make it difficult for Israel to attack the Strip once again. At the same time, Al-Agrami admits that national unity and ending divisions is essential for Abbas because world recognition of a Palestinian state would require a united political leadership.

This is the best time to hold legislative and presidential elections to rejuvenate leadership positions and map out a strategy for the struggle and action,” he suggested. “This would enable the people to stand up to Israel’s settlement plans.”

Al-Agrami warned Hamas leaders not to mistake visits by Arab, Islamic and international officials to Gaza as recognition of Hamas’s legitimacy as ruler of the Strip, or weaken its resolve to achieve national reconciliation.

Meanwhile, some Palestinians believe the best test for Abbas’s determination to reconcile is ending security cooperation with occupation forces in the West Bank, as well as releasing political prisoners. Suspicions about Abbas’s intentions were further exacerbated by a report on Israeli television Channel 1 claiming a deal was struck between European states and Abbas in which these states would support Abbas’s move at the UN in return for re-launching negotiations with Israel without preconditions.

Any talks with Israel would destroy any possibility of national reconciliation.

Israel is not willing to risk a united Palestinian front and began security measures to undercut signs of people-to-people reconciliation in the West Bank between Hamas and Fatah. The occupation army and intelligence arrested dozens of Hamas leaders and MPs, and Israeli media commentators described this as a reaction to closer relations between the two sides. The dragnet was also seen as a way to prevent further “hostile action” against the Israeli army and settlers.
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Israel's Sinai spin

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Palestinians walk to the Rafah border on the Egyptian side to cross over to Gaza. Egypt opened the Rafah border to allow the return of pilgrims from Saudi Arabia (left); Palestinians pray on the compound known to Muslims as the Noble Sanctuary and to Jews as the Temple Mount in Jerusalem
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Ahmed Fayed, 39, was scheduled to make his dream trip to Saudi Arabia on Tuesday for omra (the small Islamic pilgrimage) in the last 10 days of Ramadan, something he has longed to do for years. But Fayed's hopes were dashed when Egypt decided to close the border at Rafah after a massacre there killed 16 Egyptian soldiers. Hundreds of Gaza residents had booked pilgrimage trips. The Egyptian decision also compounded humanitarian conditions in the Gaza Strip.

The decision was taken at the height of summer when activity at this border crossing peaks. This year Palestinians living in Arab and Diaspora states were more confident in travelling to the Gaza Strip to visit their families, feeling that conditions at the border had improved after Mohamed Mursi won the presidential election in Egypt.

Khalil Al-Masri, 49, works in one of the Gulf states and has not visited his family in Gaza for 10 years out of fear that the Rafah border crossing would be closed and that he would be trapped in the Gaza Strip and unable to return to his job. Al-Masri finally made it to the Gaza Strip this year and was planning to leave Saturday. He is worried that the border will remain closed, which could mean that he would lose his job if his employer is not sympathetic to his circumstances.

An even more critical factor is the inability of the sick to leave for medical attention abroad. Samah, 26, who lives in Gaza City, intended to travel to Cairo via Rafah for surgery, but now she has to suffer until the border crossing is opened again.

Undersecretary at the Ministry of Interior and National Security in the Gaza government, Kamel Abu Madi, warned of a crisis because of the border closure that will affect all aspects and segments of Palestinian society. "The ministry has lists of tens of thousands of citizens who want to travel and leave the Gaza Strip for work, health and academic reasons," Abu Madi said. "There are some critical humanitarian cases that need to travel, including life threatening health conditions that need emergency medical attention."

He added that a large number of Palestinian families on travel registries came to Gaza to spend the summer holidays and now the bread earners of those families are threatened with losing their jobs and residency status in host countries if the border crossing remains closed. "The delayed departure of registered travellers could result in a crisis at the border crossing," Abu Madi warned. The Palestinian official urged Egypt's leadership to open the border because of the extreme harm it is causing the Palestinians who have long suffered from repeated border closures, adding that students need to return to their schools and universities abroad.

Gazans are particularly worried that the Rafah attack will hinder the implementation of understandings reached between Mursi and Gaza Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh to lift the siege on the Gaza Strip, scheduled to begin after the Eid Al-Fitr holiday at the end of August. This includes permitting a large number of travellers across the border on a daily basis, prolonging work hours at the border crossing from 9am until 9pm, and slashing the list of those banned from travelling for security reasons. The agreement also included not deporting Gazans from Cairo Airport and an understanding on resolving the electricity problem in the Gaza Strip.

Gazans fear that the Rafah attack will be a pretext to keep the border crossing closed, and even lead to a tighter siege on the Gaza Strip. Salah Al-Bardaweel, a leading Hamas member, denied that his group, Hamas's politburo or Haniyeh's government received "any accusations from Cairo about elements in Gaza" involved in the Rafah massacre. Al-Bardaweel said that, "Egypt did not send any information about involvement of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip in this crime, and did not make any specific demands of the Gaza government or Hamas in this context."

He said that Hamas told Egyptian officials that it is "wholeheartedly prepared for joint cooperation in investigating the crime and arresting the perpetrators, irrespective of who they are," and that his group took the initiative by participating with other factions in opening a house for condolences as an expression of sorrow and anger on the Rafah attack. Al-Bardaweel declared that occupation forces "are the ones who benefit from the crime and are involved in the Rafah incident".

There is much speculation in support of this theory. "The Zionist enemy wants to destabilise Egypt's security and embarrass the Egyptian leadership, which it views as hostile to its aggressive plan, and is seeking to rupture ties between Hamas and Egypt after a marked improvement in relations," Al-Bardaweel explained. The Hamas figure added that his group is willing to shut down the tunnels in return for Egypt permanently opening the Rafah border crossing to individuals and goods. Opening the border crossing would also be in solidarity with the resilience of Palestinian people and their resistance to occupation that seeks to Judaise holy sites and kills children, women and the sick. An open border crossing at Rafah is the civilised alternative to the tunnels, he added.

"We are confident that the Egyptian leadership will work on this alternative and hope that the closure does not last too long," he said, "especially since it's the holy month of Ramadan, Eid [the Islamic holiday following the month of fasting] will begin soon, and there is a lot of construction in Gaza to rebuild homes destroyed by the occupation, and to house those who were displaced and have no homes or shelter."

Meanwhile, Israel seemed as if it was anxiously waiting for the Rafah attack in order to serve strategic goals it had long desired. Tel Aviv tried to use the attack to drive a wedge between Egypt and the Gaza Strip after relations flourished since the Egyptian revolution and Mursi's election, claiming that parties in Gaza were involved in the Rafah attack. Yet Roni Daniel, the military reporter on the Israel's Channel 2 Television, and Alon Ben-David, the military expert on Channel 10, reported that Israeli security agencies had no evidence linking Gaza with the Rafah incident.

It is clear that Israeli decision-makers want to limit Mursi's margin of manoeuvrability, to embarrass him at home, and to force him to retract understandings he finalised with Haniyeh on relaxing the siege on Gaza, by claiming that Gaza is responding to Mursi's friendly overtures by targeting Egypt's national security. Tel Aviv is trying to stir Egyptian public opinion against the Palestinian resistance, especially Hamas, analysts say, and this has become a priority for Israel's leadership since it would enable Israel to pound the Gaza Strip.

All reports by Israeli army and intelligence agencies to politicians in Tel Aviv state that carrying out a large scale attack on the Gaza Strip after the 25 January Revolution has become a very difficult task, because of the influence of Egyptian public opinion on decision-makers in Cairo. Reports issued by the Institute of National Security Studies at Tel Aviv University state that Egyptian public opinion could pressure the Egyptian leadership to review the Camp David Treaty if Israel carried out a large scale attack on Gaza. The studies also warn that the reaction of the Egyptian public could cause Egypt to completely withdraw from the Camp David agreement. Israel believes this agreement is a critical component of its national security.

Thus, framing the Palestinian resistance in the Rafah attack would influence Egyptian public opinion on the Palestinian issue and limit the ability of Egypt's new leadership to revise its foreign policy and reformulate it on an entirely different basis than the one in place under ousted president Hosni Mubarak, especially regarding the Palestinian cause.

In fact, this point was blatantly and openly made by Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman who said that Egypt should learn the lesson of what happened in Rafah, and learn to confront "Egypt's true enemies" -- in reference to Palestinian resistance groups in the Gaza Strip.
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Netanyahu's mean feat

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Iran is back at the top of the US agenda, but is Netanyahu ready to attack, asks Saleh Al-Naami

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2012/1110/re1.htm
 Click to view caption
Palestinians gather outside the Dome of the Rock at Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in Jerusalem during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, Friday
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As former chiefs of the two most important intelligence agencies in Israel, both Efraim Halevy (a former Mossad head) and Aaron Zeevi (former chief of military intelligence) had always advised extreme caution when dealing with strategic security issues, but they changed their tune last week.

In an interview with Radio Israel on 29 July, Halevy said: "If I were an Iranian I would take Israel's threats seriously. Israel's government now believes that it should carry out a pre-emptive strike against Iran's nuclear project, as soon as possible." He added: "All signs indicate that we are very close to the moment when Israeli jets are in the air on their way to deliver a painful strike against Iran's nuclear programme."

Zeevi was even more precise when he told Israel's Channel 2 TV that he expects Israel to attack Iran "within a few weeks".

Nonetheless, many observers inside Israel are wondering: Do Zeevi and Halevy really believe that Netanyahu intends to attack Iran, or is this nothing more than a diversion for the world -- especially the US -- by claiming that Israel is on the verge of using military force to thwart Iran's nuclear project, in order to force the US to take action against Iran? These observers opine that Netanyahu knows that US President Barack Obama is not interested in making any security changes that would sharply raise the price of oil, because this would deliver a strong blow to the US economy on the eve of US presidential elections, and negatively impact his chances of re-election.

They continue that Netanyahu believes once Obama realises that Israel is determined to attack Iran, he will prefer that the US carry out the mission since it would be more capable of resolving a confrontation with Iran in a better and swifter manner than Israel. Obama is also concerned that if left up to Israel, it would not be able to quickly contain Iran's response, which would further jeopardise conditions in the region and magnify economic risks.

Observers in the opposite camp in Israel argue that Netanyahu is intent on attacking Iran before the US elections under the assumption that Obama -- who wants the support of the largest number of Jewish voters -- will not allow Iran to strike deep inside Israel in response to an Israeli attack. Some Israeli monitors who make this argument assert that behind closed doors Netanyahu confides that he is not confident that Obama would attack Iran after he is re-elected. Hence, Netanyahu feels it necessary to strike Iran before the US presidential elections, in order to force Obama's hand.

US officials who agree with Israel that Iran should be prevented from owning nuclear weapons by all means also believe that taking military action at this moment is unnecessary, especially since economic sanctions against Iran have been successful. The Americans tell Netanyahu that sanctions against Iran have already cut the volume of Iran's oil sales by 40 per cent -- or an annual loss of $40 billion -- which has caused Iranians to decrease oil production to minimum levels. The Americans are also saying that sanctions against Iranian banks make it more difficult to conduct business and generate foreign currency for Tehran, and that Iranians are forced to go to Dubai carrying briefcases stuffed with cash to make deals.

US officials tell their Israeli counterparts that average Iranians are feeling the weight of sanctions since government subsidies for main commodities in Iran were cut, and inflation has risen to 40 per cent. According to Washington's data, unemployment has risen and Iran's currency has lost 65 per cent of its value, causing many factories to shut down because they can no longer afford to import raw materials and spare parts. Netanyahu's response to the Americans is that these sanctions are the most the US and the world can do against Iran, but there are no signs that Iran will change its determined position to continue uranium enrichment.

Another point of dispute between the Americans and Israelis is defining the red line that if crossed military force should be used against Iran. The US believes that the red line is if Iranians enrich uranium by more than 20 per cent, which they believe Tehran can do without becoming a threat. Netanyahu rejects this notion, arguing that if the Iranians can enrich uranium by 20 per cent then they will be 90 per cent on their way to a nuclear bomb.
The Americans are not just sugar coating the situation for Netanyahu, but are also offering many incentives to convince him of the credibility of the Obama administration's position. Obama issued clear orders to increase security and intelligence cooperation with Israel, as well as giving Israel a large number of smart bombs capable of penetrating strong armour. But in the end, Obama manoeuvrability is limited by the positions of his Republican rivals who appear more enthusiastic about a military strike against Iran than even some right-wing politicians in Israel.

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Waiting for Fadi

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اشغط هنا
His Facebook pages are still up and you can still watch his video uploads on several websites where Fadi Al-Hatu, 25, documented many moments in his life. Although Fadi was meticulous about updating his online pages, no updates were made in the last month because Fadi -- whose family lives in Al-Daraj district in northeast Gaza City -- was killed in a horrific road accident in Malaysia, where he was attending university. His car crashed into a rock on the side of the road and was completely destroyed.

The accident happened as Fadi was heading to the airport in the Malaysian capital Kuala Lumpur to meet his parents and three brothers who travelled from Gaza to spend two weeks in Malaysia as tourists. Members of his family had visited him earlier in summer and spent three weeks with him, and since they enjoyed the visit so much they decided to go back again.

When Fadi was late meeting them at the airport, his father Akram hailed a taxi to take the family to his son's apartment. When they arrived, they found out the terrible news; one of Fadi's colleagues told them that he is lying in hospital with severe injuries. By the time the family arrived at the hospital, the medical team that was trying to save his life pronounced him dead.

The family's plans for a relaxed and enjoyable visit were shattered. Instead of visiting the stunning tourist sites of Malaysia, Fadi's parents were busy with the process of transporting his body back to the Gaza Strip. Instead of spending the $20,000 Fadi's father had saved on the trip and his son's university fees, the family spent the money transferring the body home.

Fadi's corpse was embalmed in preparation for transporting it to Cairo and from there on to Gaza. After the technicalities were taken care of, the family was delivered another blow. The Egyptian embassy in Kuala Lumpur refused to issue a visa to the family to return to Cairo because of the Rafah border attack that killed 16 Egyptian soldiers. The Egyptian government decided to close the Rafah border crossing and prevented Palestinians who live in the Gaza Strip from arriving at Egyptian airports.

The family despaired and found no other option but to bury their son in Kuala Lumpur. After the burial, the Egyptians partially reopened the border which allowed the parents and one of the brothers to return, while the other two sons remained in Malaysia out of concern their travel would be complicated. Once the family arrived at Cairo airport, Fadi's brother was detained by Egyptian authorities, but his parents were allowed to continue their journey onto Rafah.

After four days in detention in Egypt, the son was released and reached the Gaza Strip. A grief-stricken Akram Al-Hatu said that he paid around $17,000 in his attempt to return Fadi's body to Gaza, but without success. Through his tears and shaking hands, Al-Hatu swore that he would keep trying to bring back his beloved son's body to Gaza until his last breath. He added that he agreed to Fadi's proposal to study in Malaysia six years ago in the hope that after he graduates Fadi would help the family financially.

Al-Hatu denounced the manner in which Egyptian authorities deal with Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, even after the revolution, stating that he is shocked at the level of disrespect. "Why don't Arab countries treat us as they do other foreigners?" he asked.

Although the Egyptian government recently decided to reopen the Rafah border after it became apparent that Gaza did not have a role in the Rafah attack, thousands of Gazans were subjected to the same callous treatment as Al-Hatu family when EgyptAir refused to allow Gazans to come to Cairo under the pretext that the Rafah border is closed.

Naji Al-Dahudi, a physics professor at Al-Azhar University in Gaza, was leading a Palestinian academic delegation on a work visit to the German city of Frankfurt. At the end of the trip, the group went to the airport but was surprised to find that they could not take the flight to Cairo on their way home because the Egyptian authorities had issued strict orders. "I want to scream in the face of all Palestinian officials that we cannot remain silent about these continuous insults and systematic indignity," Al-Dahudi said while still in limbo. "Collective punishment is obviously not the policy of Israeli occupation alone, but everyone -- including Arabs and Muslims -- who chose to deal with us in the same way."

Despite all this, Gazans are a little optimistic after Egypt reopened the border crossing. Maher Abu Sabha, director-general of crossing points and borders, said that the border crossing opens at 10am until 6pm and that 1,312 travellers left the Gaza Strip on Saturday, the first day the crossing opened for normal hours. Abu Sabha revealed that most of those who left are residents of other countries or have foreign passports, along with the sick and students who are pursuing higher degrees abroad. He added that the Ministry of Interior also reopened its offices to receive applications from thousands who want to travel.

Salah Al-Bardaweel, a leading Hamas figure, said that a security team from the Gaza Strip left Rafah to assist Egyptian security agencies investigating the Sinai attack, and that a joint Hamas-Egypt security committee was formed to track down the perpetrators of the Rafah incident and bring them to justice. Al-Bardaweel added that forming a joint committee does not imply that Palestinians were involved in the attack, but is part of cooperation between the two sides to guarantee security on the Egyptian-Palestinian border.

He noted that the party that benefits the most from the attack is Israel, and accused it of helping to plan the attack or knowing ahead of time that it would take place. As evidence of his theory, he cited the fact that Israel evacuated all Israeli tourists from Sinai and made a sweep of the border prior to the attack. "The Israeli enemy did not like warm relations between the Palestinians and Egyptians, and wanted to spoil them by backing this crime directly or indirectly," asserted to Al-Bardaweel.

He revealed that after the attack, contact was immediately made with the Egyptians to state Hamas's condemnation of the crime, and the Gaza government quickly closed down the border region and tunnels, and dealt with the closure of the Rafah border crossing.

Sources told Al-Ahram Weekly that security agencies in the Gaza Strip are currently briefing Egyptian security counterparts about their experience in combating jihadist Salafist groups, to assist the Egyptians in fighting extremist groups operating in Sinai. Informed Palestinian sources said that this step is part of recent growing cooperation between the respective security agencies. Other forms of cooperation include the willingness of Gaza security agencies to share with Egyptian authorities the results of three years investigating the leaders and activists of jihadist Salafist groups, some of who entered the Gaza Strip illegally.

The Gaza government's security agencies struck against jihadist Salafist groups after leader Abdel-Azim Moussa declared the establishment of an Islamic emirate three years ago in Rafah. Gaza security forces responded with a military confrontation that killed senior leaders of these groups.

A senior Egyptian security source denied that Egypt asked the Hamas government to hand over three Salafist Palestinians who are suspected in the Rafah attack. The independent Palestinian news agency SAMA and the German news agency quoted a source saying that these reports are baseless, because until now the exact identities of the attackers are unknown and Hamas was not asked to hand over any Palestinians so far. The source added that the identities of all conspirators would be revealed later, as Egyptian Minister of Defence Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi promised during a recent visit to Sinai.

Palestinians in Gaza hope that when tragedy strikes -- as was the case with Al-Hatu family that still await the repatriation of Fadi's body -- their treatment by Arab countries, including Egypt, will not 
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